International Conference

«Conflicts in the Caucasus: History, the Present and Prospects for Resolution»

Baku (Azerbaijan) 22-23 October, 2012 and Tbilisi (Georgia) 25-26 October, 2012

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INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Aziz KAMILOV

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Aziz Kamilov, Ph.D. (Hist.), assistant professor, independent expert (Tashkent, Uzbekistan)

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In international affairs, the republic followed its traditional course aimed at constructive and consistent expansion of political, economic, and other relations in a broad range of foreign policy issues, focusing particular attention on regional and sub-regional ties. For example, on 4-6 January, First Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Reza Aref visited Tashkent. During his meeting with Uzbekistan’s government representatives, he talked about bilateral cooperation, primarily in transport and communications. Afghani Public Works Minister Suhrab Ali Safari also participated in the ceremony to sign the Provisions on an Interstate Coordinating Council for setting up a transportation corridor between Afghanistan, Iran, and Uzbekistan. In the future, the so-called Trans-Afghan Corridor could bring not only immense financial, but also political dividends.

Along with this, friendly relations were reinforced between the republic and Russia. The Russian Federation has invested more than $1 billion in Uzbekistan’s oil and gas industry alone, which the republic’s Foreign Minister Sodik Safaev mentioned in an interview with Russia’s Nezavisimaia gazeta on 24 January, 2005. But the interview mainly focused on preparing public opinion for the need to withdraw the armed forces of third countries from the region. “We believe that Central Asia should not become militarized. This is too dangerous. It would be better for the big players to keep their competitive games to the economic sphere,” emphasized the minister. Uzbekistan went on to carry out this thesis.

Uzbek President Islam Karimov’s speech on 28 February at the parliamentary session of the new convocation should also be viewed from the same angle. The head of state noted: “Checks into the activity of certain Western nongovernmental and non-commercial organizations (NGOs) showed that some of them have gone beyond the framework of their declared programs and pursued specific tailor-made aims.”

Uzbekistan undertook preventive measures which made it possible to avoid a repetition of the events which took place in Georgia and Ukraine, and could take place in Kyrgyzstan in light of the upcoming election there. Islam Karimov expressed the hope that his Kyrgyz colleague would be able to avoid “rose, orange, and yellow revolutions.” “It will be a sad reflection of following the latest fashion if Kyrgyzstan tries to go for the yellow. Perhaps Kirghizia can avoid this. After all, if every republic decides to follow suit, there will soon be no colors in the rainbow left.”

At the end of January-beginning of February, Uzbek-Kazakhstani relations became aggravated again. This was because President Islam Karimov accused official Astana of aiding and abetting terrorism. This accusation was voiced at a meeting of the country’s parliament. At that time, an assembly of the U.N. Counter-Terrorist Committee was going on in Almaty, with respect to which the Uzbek side made it clearly understood that the Kazakhstani authorities and special services do not wish “to fight extremism.” It was they, according to Islam Karimov, who were to blame for the terrorist acts organized in Tashkent in the spring of last (2004) year. In response, several high-ranking Kazakhstani officials severely criticized Uzbekistan’s policy. Fortunately, this is where the bandying of words ended.

An important event in February was the visit by a delegation of Russia’s Gazprom Company headed by deputy chairmen Yuri Komarov and Alexander Riazanov, during which they signed contracts with Uztransgaz on the transportation of Central Asian gas through Uzbekistan and the purchase in 2005 of 5 billion cubic meters of Uzbek blue fuel. What is more, the sides agreed to expand ties in the gas industry in areas set forth in the Agreement on Strategic Cooperation. In particular, a decision was adopted to create joint working groups, within the framework of which implementation of the project for developing the Central Asia-Center pipeline will be activated, as well as draw up a long-term contract on the transportation of gas through Uzbekistan and a production sharing agreement (PSA) under the project for assimilating the fields of the republic’s Ustiurt Region. It should be noted that this visit was a logical continuation of the Strategic Cooperation Agreement in the gas industry between the Uzbekneftegaz National Holding Company and Gazprom signed on 17 December, 2002. It envisages long-term purchases of Uzbek gas for 2003-2012, Gazprom’s participation in natural gas production projects in Uzbekistan under PSA conditions, as well as cooperation aimed at developing Uzbekistan’s gas transport infrastructure and the transportation of Central Asian gas through its territory. A pilot project in this sphere is cooperation under PSA conditions in restoring gas production at the Shakhpakhty field. The PSA came into force on 14 April, 2004, and the project itself (annual production of 0.5 billion cubic meters) opens up possibilities for implementing a larger project under PSA conditions for the exploration and production of gas in the above-mentioned Ustiurt Region.

Forming an efficient regional security system is an extremely complicated and lengthy process, particularly taking the current reality into account. In respect to this, mention should be made of the final meeting of the Regional Expert Group for drawing up a draft of the Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in Central Asia on the initiative of its states’ leaders held on 7-9 February in Tashkent. The sides finished work which had been going on for more than seven years, and the coordinated document is essentially ready for signing.

The foreign ministry representatives of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan participating in this process endorsed the text of a corresponding document. It was based on the draft prepared at a meeting of experts in Samarkand in 2002, recommendations of the IAEA and U.N. Department for Legal Issues, as well as proposals put forward by the U.S., Great Britain, Russia, France, and China. What is more, at the February meeting in Tashkent, the draft of Regulations for the Procedure to Execute Article 10 of the Treaty Draft (advisory meetings) drawn up by the U.N. Regional Center for Peace and Security in Asia and the Pacific was agreed upon. The Regulations were adopted to create a mechanism for carrying out annual and special advisory meetings for discussing issues relating to execution of the treaty. The Uzbekistan delegation expressed the hope that after the document on a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia is signed, the five nuclear states will join the protocol on guaranteeing security of the treaty signatories.

But in the middle of the year, the British embassy in Almaty sent out a so-called memorandum from three nuclear powers—the U.S., Great Britain, and France—which expressed “concern about the inadequacy of the consultations on drawing up the treaty draft.” This concern was largely related to their own interests, and in no way reflected the gist of the problem, that is, it was an obvious attempt to put pressure on the region’s republics and indirectly affect the interests of other nuclear powers.

Here we will remind you that many complicated aspects of coordinating certain items and provisions of the Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone were discussed at the advisory meeting held as early as 9 July, 1998 in Bishkek of experts of the Central Asian countries and nuclear states, based on the results of which a corresponding communiqué was adopted. But as work on the Treaty drew to a close, the positions of several nuclear powers began to change. In this respect, certain centrifugal processes were generated, and behind-the-scenes intrigues and violations of previous agreements were even observed in the region.

Among the February events, mention should also be made of completing work to liquidate minefields in the Shakhimardan enclave. A note from the Kyrgyzstan foreign ministry said that the ministry welcomed the measures undertaken by the Uzbek side to de-mine sections of the Kyrgyz-Uzbek state border and believes that they are helping to strengthen good-neighborly relations between the Kyrgyz Republic and the Republic of Uzbekistan.

On an invitation from the Uzbek President, Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf paid an official visit to Tashkent on 5-7 March, during which the heads of the two states discussed the development of bilateral relations, including the intensification of trade and economic cooperation, as well as international problems of mutual interest. According to the results of the talks, Pervez Musharraf made a public statement in which he noted in particular: “Pakistan will not permit terrorists from Uzbekistan to use its territory against your national interests.”

On 15-17 March, Uzbek President Islam Karimov paid an official visit to Slovenia, during which several documents were signed aimed at reinforcing the legal basis for developing bilateral cooperation in the economic, political, and social spheres.

On 4-6 April, the head of Uzbekistan visited India. His itinerary had to be changed due to the death of the Pope, still the visit can be considered successful. Islam Karimov commented on its outcome, saying that the goal of expanding friendly ties and triggering untapped potential had been reached. The Uzbek leader met with the president, vice president, and prime minister of India, and his conversations with them led to a comprehensive exchange of opinions on the development of bilateral relations. It was noted that the countries have similar views on many international and regional issues and that this will serve as an important political factor in establishing practical ties.

A positive aspect of the development of Uzbek-Kazakhstani cooperation is that a Free Trade Agreement has come into force between the countries. Prior to this, a simplified registration procedure was in effect for the import of fruits and vegetables weighing up to 200 kg, now this threshold has been raised to one ton. And since most greens from Uzbekistan are brought in Gazel trucks, now essentially all produce manufacturers are granted privileges.

Among the April events, the fact that Uzbekistan was the first Central Asian country to render humanitarian aid to Kyrgyzstan can be singled out. On 12 April, it delivered 60 carriages of corresponding freight to this country.

The main political event of May was initiation of Uzbekistan’s withdrawal from GUUAM. Official Tashkent first announced that it was withdrawing its membership from this structure in June 2002, which was motivated at that time by “the union’s excessive politicization” and by the fact that it had “no economic component.” However, the head of the republic, Islam Karimov, announced the main reason for the withdrawal by saying that the political orientation of Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova today is compelling Uzbekistan to reconsider its attitude toward GUUAM. In this respect, on 5 May, Uzbekistan sent the Moldovan authorities (GUUAM’s depositaries) official notification of its withdrawal from the regional cooperation organization. This step became the beginning of a certain geopolitical turn in the country away from the United States and toward Russia, which was logically continued in the second half of the year.

On 7-8 May, Islam Karimov visited the Russian Federation and took part in the unofficial summit of the heads of the CIS member states and undertakings dedicated to the 60th anniversary of Victory over Fascism in World War II.

On the whole, May was one of the most difficult months in Uzbekistan’s most recent history due to the events in Andijan. Immediately after these tragic events, official Tashkent declared it was in favor of carrying out a transparent and objective investigation, for which an independent parliamentary commission and international working group were created consisting of representatives of the diplomatic corps accredited in the republic’s capital.

Running a little ahead, we will note that the results of the investigations carried out in September-November and the trial of several participants in the May events show that these terrorist acts were a carefully planned act organized by outside destructive forces and aimed at bringing about a change in the constitutional system in Uzbekistan. And the initiation of “peaceful” demonstrations by the population were only part of it, since the inspirers of these demonstrations planned to carry out a scenario similar to the Color Revolutions and draw international human rights organizations into it by further escalating the information war against Uzbekistan.

Nevertheless, on 23 May, the leadership of the European Union came forward with a statement calling for an independent investigation of the events in Andijan, in which it criticized the “extreme use of force.” But even prior to this, in a telephone conversation with U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, Uzbek President Islam Karimov said that he objected to an international investigation of these events being carried out.

On 25-27 May, the head of Uzbekistan paid a state visit to China. On the eve of the visit, Islam Karimov gave an interview, in which he emphasized again that “the organizers of the tragic events in Andijan did not achieve their sordid goals. The people did not support them and did not follow their false appeals. Corresponding measures were opportunely adopted.” (Incidentally, as for the purpose of the visit, during talks with PRC Chairman Hu Jintao, President Karimov discussed bilateral relations, particularly the intensification of trade and economic cooperation, regional security issues, and other international problems of mutual interest.)

On 29 May, a press conference was held by U.S. senators John MacCain, Lindsey Graham, and John Sununu, at which concern was expressed about the authorities’ actions during the Andijan events and the need for carrying out an international investigation.

On 8 June, a working group for monitoring the investigation of the May events and the government’s measures to stabilize the situation in Andijan and the Andijan Region began its work. As already noted, this group was comprised of the employees of embassies accredited in Tashkent. They included diplomats from Russia, China, Iran, India, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.

On 18 June, the republic’s foreign ministry put out a press release which stated that the restrictions introduced by Uzbekistan on flights of U.S. air force carriers from the Karshi-Khanabad aerodrome were supposedly the Uzbek side’s response to the White House’s stance on the events in Andijan… But the decision to restrict these flights was made three months before the events in Andijan for reasons the American side was well informed about.

On 28-29 June, the country’s president, Islam Karimov, paid a working visit to Russia, during which the heads of the two states discussed the further development of bilateral cooperation in different spheres and the strengthening of regional security, as well as other international problems of mutual interest. This visit was viewed as a new stage in the development of relations between these countries.

On 4-5 July, President Islam Karimov visited Astana, where he participated in the summit of Shanghai Cooperation Organization member states. At this meeting, the leaders of the SCO countries discussed questions of strengthening security, fighting terrorism and extremism, creating a common Central Asian market, comprehensive support and stimulation of trade and economic ties, the rational use of water and energy resources, the development of contacts in the sociocultural, scientific-technical, and transport-communication spheres, as well as other regional and international problems. What is more, the leaders of the Organization’s member states exchanged opinions about the creation of a SCO Regional Cooperation Development Fund and Business Forum, and discussed ways to cooperate in the restoration of Afghanistan.

According to the results of the summit, a Declaration of the SCO heads of state and a Conception of Cooperation of its member states in the fight against terrorism, separatism, extremism were adopted, Provisions on Permanent Representatives of the Organization’s Countries in the Regional Antiterrorist Structure was endorsed, and decisions on granting Iran, Pakistan, and India the status of observers in the SCO were signed. Mongolia was the only state in the past to have this status.

On 1 August, the republic’s foreign ministry came forward with a statement on so-called humanitarian evacuation. It noted in particular that “on 28-29 July, 2005, structures of the UNHCR for Kyrgyzstan, in violation of all the procedures and norms of international law and U.N. decisions, carried out so-called humanitarian evacuation from Kyrgyzstan of approximately 440 Uzbek citizens, who crossed the border during the tragic events in Andijan on 12-13 May and were located in this country.” On 26 August, the Senate, the upper chamber of the Uzbekistan parliament, spoke out in favor of withdrawing the U.S. armed forces contingent from the Khanabad aerodrome, and adopted a corresponding statement.

On 26-27 August, Uzbek President Islam Karimov took part in a regular session of the Council of CIS Heads of State held in Kazan and in the official undertakings dedicated to the 1,000th anniversary of the capital of Tatarstan.

On 2-4 October, the Uzbekistan president paid a state visit to Malaysia, during which the heads of the two countries discussed the further development of bilateral relations, the strengthening of trade and economic cooperation, and urgent international, including regional, problems of mutual interest. The talks ended in the sides signing several agreements.

On 4 October, the European Union placed an embargo on trade in arms and several other commodities with Uzbekistan. What is more, the EU froze a current agreement on partnership and cooperation by refusing to permit high-ranking officials of the republic into its countries.

On 21 October, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov made a working visit to Tashkent and was received by Islam Karimov. The working visit of the head of the Russian foreign ministry took place against the background of a significant boost in bilateral relations.

On 14-15 November, Uzbek President Islam Karimov made an official visit to the Russian Federation. During the talks, the heads of the two countries discussed the further development of cooperation in different spheres and the strengthening of regional security, and, most important, a Treaty on Alliance Relations between Russia and Uzbekistan was signed. According to the Russian President, “the most trusting level of relations” is being established between Russia and Uzbekistan. Vladimir Putin emphasized that the Treaty on Alliance Relations “is ensuring our countries an essentially new quality and extremely close degree of interaction”.

On 16 December, Uzbekistan became a permanent member of the Eurasian Group for combating money laundering and terrorism financing (EAG). This structure was created on Russia’s initiative more than a year ago, and official Tashkent had the status of observer in it.